Mohammad Hanif’s A Case Of Exploding
Mangoes as a Return Home Novel of Justice Redressed
Abstract
Authors with global travelling and migrating
experience develop a perception of their birth culture in a self-critiquing
mode, and in the case of Mohammed Hanif, it is to critique the existing
practices of justice in his home country. His novel 'A Case Of Exploding Mangoes'
is
a political satire.
This paper brings in the argument of Amartya Sen that every society builds its model of
social justice or redressal system and tries to view Hanif’s presentation of
social justice from this perspective. It highlights the point that the rising
middle class is Europeanized to a certain extent in East Asian societies and
have begun to bring in democratic values into their social systems. Hanif
resorts to mythmaking as the facts regarding the real life incidents are not available
and the paper attempts to see it as a feature of the Asian ability to create
myths stressing on the ‘curse’ factor.
Key-words:
niti, nyaya, untouchability, Dalit, mythmaking, middleclass
...................................................................................................................................
Return home novels have the advantage of looking
back from a slight emotional distance and thrives in this displacement as this
gives ample space for critique. Transnational living clearly defines one’s
identity and its roots and some writers tend to think it is their duty to
‘reform’ the home counter. Mohammad Hanif’s novel A Case of Exploding
Mangoes has a ring of self-diagnosis
of the social system to which he belonged and has moved out of and stayed
elsewhere, nevertheless has not been able to keep his emotional and
intellectual commitments away its clutches.
Mohammed
Hanif was born in Okara, Pakistan and graduated from Pakistan Air Force Academy
as a Pilot Officer, but subsequently left to pursue a career in journalism. He
has worked for Newsline, India Today and The Washington Post,
and has written plays for the stage as well as the screen play for the
critically acclaimed BBC drama What Now, Now That We Are Dead? His
feature film The Long Night has been shown at film festivals around the
world and he currently heads BBC’s Urdu Service and he lives in London.
The novel A Case of Exploding Mangoes, a
political satire, darkly humourous, discusses the story of man’s longing
for power ruled by fear of losing it, presenting the story of a Third World country
engaged in political, social and cultural negotiation with the rest of the
world. Niranjan Takle’s article
on Pakistani prisoners, the cover story
of The Week, April 1, 2012 issue, presents the details of prisoners in
Pakistan jail and has reported about a prisoner called Surjit who was arrested
when Gen.Zia-ul-Haq was in power. The man was charged with espionage, he was
sentenced to death and the sentence was commuted to life in 1986. He is now 80
years old and has been a prisoner in Pakistan for over three decades. Hanif’s
accounts of Pakistan’s prisons are accurate going by this news item.
In his introduction to The Idea of Justice,
Amartya Sen discusses Charles Dickens’s Great Expectations, in which Pip
says ‘there is nothing so finely perceived and finely felt, as injustice.’ A Case of Exploding Mangoes can
be compared to Great Expectations
that it too studies the “remedial injustices around us which we want to
eliminate,” if we can borrow the phrase from Sen and apply it to this novel of Mohammed
Hanif. The novel is a writer’s attempt “to achieve a perfectly just world.” “Redressable injustice” is central to human
arguments says Sen and goes on to diagnose injustice in his book The Idea of Justice (Amartya
Sen 2009, vii).
We also have to note that Pip is an imaginary
character born in British imagination and after recently exposure given to the
Titanic ship’s sinking in the media, we realize more intently the British
understanding of the concept of justice as ‘consciously and impartially planned
out rules’ and whether we can take this phenomenon as a global characteristic
is in itself an argument. Because, there have been races in India that have
accepted social injustice as ‘destiny’ and do not do anything whatsoever to
demand redressal. Sen takes a model from European imagination which itself can
be argued as a ‘return home’ feature. Throughout this book, Sen takes great
pains to prove that every society has its system of justice not taking into
account of the 25% of Dalits or the ancient tribes of India who have been enslaved in the most cunning manner
possible ingraining in their psyche that they can never be equal to the others.
Sen departs
from John Rawl’s “rightly celebrated approach of ‘justice as fairness’”
(xi) and explores the theory of justice from a philosophy of moral and
political stand. His “principles of justice” are not “defined in terms of
institutions, but rather in terms of the lives and freedoms of the people
involved” (xii). He assesses democracy “in terms of public reasoning, which
leads to an understanding of democracy as ‘government by discussion’” in the
line of John Stuart Mill’s thinking. His approach views democracy “in terms of
the capacity to enrich reasoned engagement through enhancing informational
availability and the feasibility of interactive discussions. Democracy has to
be judged not just by the institutions that formally exist but by the extent to
which different voices from diverse sections of the people can actually be
heard.” Sen puts forward the idea of
“global democracy and global justice” calling them “understandable ideas that
can plausibly inspire and influence practical actions across borders” and “not
just within a nation-state.” Amartya Sen presents the idea of justice not only
as a tradition of Europe’s political history, but also as a part of “Indian
intellectual history’ and also from other non-Western societies, presenting the
idea of justice and the “powerful traditions of reasoned argument” as a global phenomenon
(xii-xiii). He goes on to say: “It is my claim, rather, that similar – or
closely linked – ideas of justice, fairness, responsibility, duty, goodness and
rightness have been pursued in many different parts of the world...”(xiv).
Hanif located in London writes about
his birth country looking at its administration and its guiding principles from an egalitarian
and democratic perception. He studies the authority organism and autocratic
style of governance and its mental and physical configuration and rationale and
continues to point out the unjust practices, and investigates into the
ideologies at the back of these practices viewing them as fundamental and
narrow.
The novel elucidates how an Air Force officer,
Colonel Shigri, takes revenge on a dictator who becomes morally responsible for
his father’s death. He tries to use a democratic method of interacting with the
power system, by writing a letter to the
dictator, to express his thoughts. This act is read as an act of rebellion and
audacity by the hierarchical powers. Grossly misunderstood by the default
autocratic authority structure he is severely punished. It is the story of a non-interventionist
man warring against constriction and the boundaries of despotism.
Mohammed Hanif brings an inner-view of
a closed society in the manner of Amitav Ghosh’s In an Antique Land (2009) that portrays the Egyptian monotheistic
society. Amitav Ghosh’s work, all said and done, has emotionally stayed away
from the Egyptian people more on the
travelogue kind of writing. Hanif’s novel
also depicts another monotheistic society,
but with a deep passion,
involvement and a high sense of the need to reform. The strength of return home
texts carry this immense dose of deep analyses of the home region, native - self,
and the distant outlook collected as a result of staying out because of the
displacement that adds poignancy to the narration. Emotional story telling takes place only if
the writer has felt the experiences in such a way that it becomes his personal,
unforgettable disturbing experiences. Amitav Ghosh’s combination of travel
writing and fiction narrated in a scholarly vein undermines the story element,
though it creates a trans-national argument as it lacks the emotional
subjectivity of a geopolitical location a story needs. Hanif is comfortable in
his creation of the artistic plot, the division of good and evil and sometimes
the narrator’s voice merges with the character’s voice giving much more
authenticity to the story. The make-belief of the objective narration gives way
to an unpretentious subjective story telling creating a war between good forces
and evil forces. Hanif pictures autocracy as evil and democracy as good and
argues that social injustices can be removed, only if nations practice
democracy in their theoretical constitutions and praxis.
The cynical, western and sophisticated
voice of Colonel Shigri deriding values of his society, iconoclastic in every
way is the omniscient voice of the novelist as well. It is a kind of easy,
intelligent narration in the manner of Zen and the Art of Motor Cycle
Maintenance (1974). The racy style of Robert M. Pirsig that
discusses Kant in a casual manner: “This a priori motorcycle has been built up in our minds over
many years from enormous amounts of sense data and it is constantly changing as
new sense data come in” (127) is the
kind of writing Hanif does. It handles
Muslim laws, Military laws and prison systems, all in the same ironic,
non-committed manner with mild iconoclastic humour running throughout that reflects in his choice of words too. There is
nothing ‘Eugene O’Neill like’ about his writing in the sense no pessimism
whatsoever. Shigri puts up with all the prison tortures and comes out bravely
representing the common humanity’s need to succeed in life, the feature of a
best seller text. Eugene O’Neill’s characters in Long Day’s Journey into
Night, his autobiographical play, portray
depressed people’s sensitive approach to life representing the
dramatic and tragic elements of life. The suicidal tendencies depicted by
O’Neill are also displayed by Marsha Norman in her play ‘Night Mother.
These American plays have been applauded critically as they have delved in to
the psychological impact of the American Depression. The Asian society
portrayed in A Case of Exploding Mangoes is on the other hand is giving
a good fight back to the unjust system. The blind girl in the novel keeps
inventing herself to suit the climate and does not lose herself in emotional
depression. She helps fellow prisoners and feeds the birds. Hanif narrates more
like Pirsig than the American playwrights mentioned.
Societies have not become truly classless
in individual practices, though democratic institutions are in existence.
Institutionalizing the democratic system has not resulted in the freedom of
individual lives; fair interaction does
not take place between the power systems and ordinary citizens. General Zia is caricatured by Hanif as the representation
of authority and the character is created with a natural edginess. Hanif
critiques this model of behavior and the dictatorial type of political model of
governance and parodies it. The “much
photographed man” flashes his “unnaturally white teeth” and his moustache “does
its customary little dance for the camera.”
The picture presented is comical with a reference to the General’s age
and his inability to give a genuine smile and Hanif maintains the same tone
throughout the novel. “He is walking the
walk of a constipated man,” says the writer later describing how the General
walks to board a plane (1). The novel’s two alternate narrating voices – the
voice of the omniscient, democratic, the epic storytelling raconteur who links all the characters in
mythological associations, and the narrating voice of the intelligent, suave and
cool-headed Colonel Shigri – both critique autocracy and the tyranny it brings.
Shigri thinks: “Heads of State, especially the Heads of State of developing
countries, seldom get the time to sit back and admire their own achievements”
(114). Shigri represents the elite,
English reading/speaking middleclass of the Third World with ideals of perfect,
free liberal States, who laugh at the lack of self-criticism in their political
leaders: these middle class intellectuals refuse to treat their democratic
leaders as anything more than ordinary people and demand that they behave
normally and with fairness.
The satire takes on the shape of a
mock-epic, in omniscient narration that
reinforces Shigri’s voice throughout the novel, as the hero of the story, “The
Man of Truth, the Man of Faith, the man who lectured women on piety on
prime-time TV, the man who had fired judges and television newscasters who refused
to wear a dupatta on their heads” is found the victim of losing his
self-control and staring at the exposed “white flesh” of Ms. Herring from USA
“with such single-mindedness” (117) “with
his eyes wide open and staring, like the eyes of a child who has wandered into
a sweet shop to find its owner fast asleep (115). The General appears like a
fool who is childish in display of basic
instincts and thus makes a mockery of all that he stands for.
The novel begins with the narrator of
the story who with a twinkle in his voice states how he has been a part of an
air crash and still alive, laying the plot of a detective story. Within this framework of suspense and thrill,
he builds a story of a political system that refuses equality and creates autonomous
centers of unlimited power shadowed by deep fears. The novelist is laughing at
history – a medium that cannot capture the real truths – and says: “But this afternoon, history is taking a long
siesta, as it usually does between the end of one war and the beginning of another”
(3). The job of finding out what could have
actually gone wrong in the case of ‘exploding mangoes’ falls on the shoulders of fiction as facts
fail. History has not recorded the
‘real’ reasons for the death of General Zia as truths are either suppressed or
that everyone knows only their part and may not be aware of other links. A
historian might not be able to link all the threads, as facts can be hidden or
simply forgotten or even not be aware of the connection between lateral elements.
The writer has an advantage of imagination and creates a story where ethical
links can be added that cannot be a part of the scientific historical
programme. History will not believe in ‘crows’ as Hanif’s novel projects the
agency of destiny designed by the law of causality. The crow avenges the
injustice meted out to the blind girl Zainab. Her curses become the significant
climax of the novel: “ ‘May your blood turn to poison. May the worms eat your
innards’ ” (306). All these ultimately
come true, showing both the power of the
innocent and the capacity for mythmaking in Asian societies. It is the ‘curse’
of the blameless blind girl who is good at heart that brings down the fall of a
cruel power system, the novel says.
In one of the many versions of
Ramayanam, the narrative voice analyses why Ram had to suffer so much in his
life. The analysis goes like this: Raman
as a child is very naughty and is used to fling flint stones on the hunch-backed
woman called who is the personal maid of Kaikeyi, his father’s third wife. The
poor hunch-backed woman is not able to retaliate as he is the Prince, and day
after day this ‘game’ continues. While Raman plays the ‘game,’ his friends
laugh, and the poor woman silently curses him.
Ramayanam portrays this woman as
one who
gives certain ideas to Kaikeyi that Ram ultimately leaves for the forest
for 14 years leaving the kingdom to his younger brother. There is another well
used analysis too: Dasarathan kills the
boy Shravan at night mistaking him to be
an animal, the only son of blind parents by mistake and they ‘curse’ him
that the king will die of a similar loss of a beloved child. Later when Raman
leaves the country to go to the forest as per his father’s vows and
predicament, Dasarathan weeps at his death bed remembering the incident of the
‘curse’ before his death bereaving for his beloved Raman.
There are many such ‘curses’ that have
to be tackled in A Case Of Exploding Mangoes: the torture chamber of the
army does not investigate cases in a democratic manner and practices blind
judgment without giving a ‘chance’ for the victim to justify himself. The authorities
construct a false case involving the innocent Shigri who narrates even his
tortures with a kind of an ironical glee that makes the meaning come out with
more ferocity:
Even professional torturers must
procrastinate sometimes, I tell myself. Or maybe it’s some kind of
do-it-yourself torture system; you stand and stare at these instruments and
imagine how your various body parts would respond to them. I try not to think
about the amber light on the iron. Major Kiyani did say no marks (140).
The darkness of the solitary dungeon is
better than the bathroom where he spent the previous night Shigri feels. He is
shoved into a small room blindfolded and though his hands are untied he is not
able to unfold the blind as the cloth is too tight. He starts his ‘push ups’ and keeps his
sanity. Hanif’s characterization of Shigri as a man of ironic humor is
justified carefully by the writer throughout and Shigri thinks:
One hundred push-ups; a thin film of
perspiration is covering my body, and an inner glow brings a smile to my face.
As I sit back with my back to the wall I think that Obaid could probably write
an article about this, send it to Reader’s Digest and fulfill his dream of getting one hundred
dollars in the mail: ‘Aerobics for Solitary Prisoners’ (p.157).
The tone of the writer keeps him away from
the location of the story capturing reality in a mock-serious slant critiquing regional
political history from another position. This position is the privileged
position of a language that is global, giving the needed confidence to the
writer that reassures him that he is speaking to the world at large where there
are more people who might view history of a particular region in the same way. Anglophile
predilections by Indian English writers have been critiqued by writers like Aijaz Ahmed who also writes
in English and we can use these ideas to understand a Pakistani writer too. Ahmed (2000) says:
These enlarged uses of English in India, and of the metropolitan
languages in virtually all the ex-colonial countries of Asia and Africa, are
connected, furthermore, with the consolidation, expansion, increased
self-confidence, increased sophistication of the bourgeoisie classes, in these
countries, including its middle strata, especially the modern petty bourgeoisie
located in the professions and state apparatuses (75).
Ahmed
goes on to say how Anita Desai and Bharathi Mukherjee thus are viewed as the Indian
voices representing the Third World literature.
He refers to these perceptions as “post colonial consolidations and
expansions” (75). The writers writing in English attempt at getting a national
readership and they base their works on treating the nation as one unit, and
here they differ from the regional writers who keep the region as their
cultural and spatial location. Ahmed
identifies English as one of
India’s “own” languages (77). Partha Chatterjee is yet another critic who
views the situation in a similar manner. Reading Asok Sen’s analysis of the Bengal reformer Iswar
Chandra Vidyasagar of the 19th
century British India, Partha
Chatterjee (1993) quotes Asok Sen:
The
new intelligentsia was stirred by various elements of western thought – the
ideas of liberal freedom, rational humanism and scientific advance...For a
middle class with no positive role in social production, the theories of Locke,
Bentham and Mill acted more as sources of confusion ... the middle class had
neither the position, nor the strength to mediate effectively between polity
and production. There lay the travesty of imported ideas of individual rights
and rationality (25).
This
formation of Indian modernity and Indian middleclass is to a large
extent because of the colonial encounter and English language and the new kind of knowledge it
carried into India and cannot be
easily removed from the variegated skin
of Indian life and then discarded (Amit Chaudri as quoted by Krishna Sen
119). Once again we can extend these
remarks to suit the Pakistani intellectual climate too and view Mohammad Hanif as yet another writer critiquing the
nation/state from a western stand point. Interestingly, Amartya Sen argues that we need
not think either the East is responsible for the European Enlightenment or the
West is responsible for the East’s reasoning abilities. Every society would
have engaged in some kind of similar intellectual activity leading to the
practice of justice, if we are able to search and explore for these details,
Amartya Sen says (xiii-xv).
Every society also would have engaged in some kind
of autocratic attitude leading to injustice is what is revealed by Shura
Darapuri’s historical positioning of Indian social practices today. Darapuri is
the Head, Department of History, BBAU, Lucknow and his article in The Hindu recently,
talks about caste discrimination surveys quoting from the book, Untouchability
in Rural India authored by Ghanshyam Shah, Harsh Mander, Sukhadeo Thorat,
Satish Deshpande and Amita Baviskar published by SAGE Publications, New Delhi
in 2006. Accordingly, 27.6% of Dalits are still prevented from entering police
stations; 12% of villages refuse permission for Dalits to enter polling booths
or get them separate booths; in 48.4% of villages Dalits are denied access to
common water sources; Dalits have internalized discrimination as their fate and
they dare not raise voice against their tormentor for fear of punishment; they
are kept out of key official positions through shrewd manipulations; only
recently, on 15th February 2012, at Daulatpur village in Haryana’s
Uklana region, a Dalit youth’s hand was chopped as he drank water from a pot
located in the upper caste premises. Untouchability (a word that is created by
Indian English to refer to how certain poor people are kept away from social,
physical and spiritual power centres – touching them will mar one’s purity and
hence, they have to be kept away) remains a matter of shame and concern for
India despite extensive provisions against the practice. Darapuri points out
that “the caste system with graded inequality remains popular amongst those
whose privileges are associated with it” though the Ministry of Social Justice
and Empowerment keeps publicizing to the people about Sections 3 to 7 of the
Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and these facts are showing the discrepancy
between niti and nyaya. The
article justifies in a way Amartya Sen’s argument that ‘every society would
have engaged in some kind of similar intellectual activity leading to the
practice of justice.’
Similarly, Mohammad Hanif’s novel becomes a search
for justice in a society where the dominant groups function in an autocratic
and totalitarian style suppressing voices that are different. Amartya Sen
distinguishes between the two schools of thought – niti and nyaya.
Niti relates to organizational propriety and behavioral correctness while nyaya
is concerned with what emerges and how, and in particular the lives that people
are actually able to lead. He also uses a term ‘Global Justice’ to refer to the
non-regionality of these codes (xv).
Though in one sense we cannot refuse the
significance of Aijaz Ahmad and Partha Chatterjee’s arguments about the role of
middle class and English language in East Asian writing to day, on the other
hand it is really well that the middleclass has used its intellectual and
political space to search for justice.
Wherever they are located they return to their roots and try to observe,
document, examine and comment on the reality of their birthplace as they
perceive its historical narration and materialism from their own personal
history. Mohammad Hanif’s Shigris – the father and the son – represent values
like commitment to work, perfectionism, integrity and accountability. When
these values are debased and desecrated, the knot of the story is created,
tightening step by step by acts that dishonor personal space and violate
private spheres of peace. The story chooses a mythical framework of curse and
punishment as facts are not transparent for analysis and crimes cannot be
reported to any public agency standing for impartial judgment. As it happens, when there is no niti,
that is no system for remedial measures, then there is no nyaya in
society, that is no sense of right in the
actual lives of people. The novel insists on the need to establish
systems in societies that are objective and rational to weigh actual history
and regulate people’s lives. When such
agencies fail to exist, then providence takes over to correct the faulty
mechanism where the curse of the humble and innocent brings down the mighty
monarch. Whether it is the agency of Indian caste system or the Pakistani
military system, if these systems do not have niti then they will
encourage individual not to practice nyaya.
Amartya Sen questions the role of reason in the
practice of justice from a post structuralized perspective though his thinking
draws its main argument from Kant’s analysis of reason. Whether reason can
completely stay away from unreason is the challenge faced while we try theorizing
justice only as the product of reason. The difficulty is to find systems of
social justice that define its reasoning aiming at a higher objectivity, as one
cannot devise any method without the use of reason. But one has to know “what reasoning
would demand for the pursuit of justice” and should allow “for the possibility
that there may exist several different reasonable positions” (xix).
Mohammad Hanif too creates a scheme
for common impartiality by punishing the human being responsible for Colonel
Shigri’s father’s murder who by burning twenty five million dollars stopped
powerful people becoming rich with government money. The meaning of the word
‘justice’ expands into equality too in the modern usage.
“Equality was not only among the foremost revolutionary demands in Eighteenth-century Europe and America, there has also been an extraordinary consensus on its importance in the post-Enlightenment world” (Amartya Sen 291). Every theory of justice seems to have demanded equality of something Sen argues. Political philosophers like John Rawls, James Meade, Ronald Dworkin, Thomas Nagel or Thomas Scanlon have all emphasized on the need for equality. “James Buchanan, the pioneering founder of ‘public choice theory’ who appears to be skeptical of the claims of equality does in fact, builds equal legal and political treatment of people into his view of a good society” (Amartya Sen 292). The behavioural demand in the current world society is the practice of equality in society and Hanif suggests in his novel that if it is not institutionalized by the government, then the people should introduce the system of the law of causality or meting out individual punishment and rectify the loopholes in systems or remove the inequalities and discrimination and create an egalitarian formula. Though different theories have come up in egalitarianism, Sen argues there is a similar vein in them: each theory argues for equality in “some space” while refusing the other (295).
“Equality was not only among the foremost revolutionary demands in Eighteenth-century Europe and America, there has also been an extraordinary consensus on its importance in the post-Enlightenment world” (Amartya Sen 291). Every theory of justice seems to have demanded equality of something Sen argues. Political philosophers like John Rawls, James Meade, Ronald Dworkin, Thomas Nagel or Thomas Scanlon have all emphasized on the need for equality. “James Buchanan, the pioneering founder of ‘public choice theory’ who appears to be skeptical of the claims of equality does in fact, builds equal legal and political treatment of people into his view of a good society” (Amartya Sen 292). The behavioural demand in the current world society is the practice of equality in society and Hanif suggests in his novel that if it is not institutionalized by the government, then the people should introduce the system of the law of causality or meting out individual punishment and rectify the loopholes in systems or remove the inequalities and discrimination and create an egalitarian formula. Though different theories have come up in egalitarianism, Sen argues there is a similar vein in them: each theory argues for equality in “some space” while refusing the other (295).
In practice too people demand for more
space while refusing the other as Hanif argues in A Case of Exploding
Mangoes. For example, in the hierarchic Asian societies, especially in the
sub-continent of India, the media that claims to uphold the values of equality,
justice and other democratic values does not practice these values. Robin
Jeffrey in an article in The Hindu “Missing from the Indian Newsroom” describes this
as “the media’s failure to recruit
Dalits is a betrayal of the constitutional guarantees of equality and
fraternity” referring to the deficient ‘equality’ from the Fourth Estate. Hence
the “stories from the lives of close to 25 per cent of Indians
(Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) are unlikely to be known – much less
broadcast or written about” says Jeffrey who is the visiting Research
Professor, Institute of South Asian Studies and Asia Research Institute,
National University of Singapore. The article is based on the Rajendra Mathur
Memorial Lecture delivered in New Delhi on 31 March, 2012.
Further, top Indian Higher Educational
institutions have been responsible for the loss of 19 yound lives mistreated by
autocratic attitudes of the Faculty and fellow students says S.Anand in his
column “opinion” in the magazine Outlook, the weekly news magazine
published from New Delhi. “Dalit students still face oppressing times in our
educational institutions” he analyses the social discrimination and says
“Reservation in India is actually a battle for the reclamation of human
personality – something that is still casually denied to millions of Indians”
(14). Though the system of niti
has been established in the constitution, the people of India do not practice nyaya
and even the westernized Indian middle class that has questioned British
imperialism in the academia through post colonial theories using the African
and Australian model, has not seriously questioned Indian Colonization of the
tribes into physical and spiritual slaves as they too have accepted this
convenient slavery. Return home novels of India have not vehemently opposed the
Dalit issues. Reading Mohammed Hanif’s A Case of Exploding Mangoes
reassures one’s faith in human justice and fairness.
Social justice becomes an empty ideal in a society
where “the guilty commit the crime, the innocent are punished” as Colonel
Shigri says in the beginning of A Case of Exploding Mangoes summing up
his story as “punishment before a crime” (5). Fate comes to his help in the form of a crow
to assist him in his revenge scheme and where history fails to record details
myths are born about reality and Hanif weaves a mythical tale of revenge and
punishment drawing on the curse of an innocent blind girl whose anger is
understood by nature and who in turn helps her curse being fulfilled.
“We want guaranteed access to basic services such as
telecommunications, energy, health and water. Moreover, we want to live in a
world without war, with social justice, with equity, where men don’t dominate
women, where children don’t have to work in cane fields or in factories, where
children don’t roam the streets without hope.” (Reyes cited by Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Sarah Miraglia). Mohanty and
Miraglia further say “Erasto
Reyes reminds us of a vision for social and economic justice that fuels
continuing struggles for liberation in the 21st century”(2012, 99). Gender ideologies and representations are
hierarchic and these scholars are recommending changes in established
governance structures within institutional settings, and they argue for the
development of strategies to eliminate subordination that they say leads to
impoverishment of women (99-100). Mohanty says:
Treating
the community as a homogeneous entity has serious consequences for the
structure of a community-based group and the distribution of benefits. Without
a nuanced approach to the community, privileged community members are more
likely to become the primary contacts (referred to as “elite capture”) for
participatory projects (van Koppen 1998, Sultana 2009), perpetuating and/or
exacerbating “naturalised” inequalities (Resurreccion et al., 2004, Boelens
and Zwarteveen 2005, Karim 2006) (Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Sarah Miraglia, 108).
Writers and thinkers in Asian societies have begun
to question Asian leadership styles. An interesting book would be Diplomacy:
Indian Style written by K.P. Fabian where the author takes about famous
Indian leaders who refused to listen to their sub-ordinates that led to human
warfare and loss of lives and continual pain and suffering. Hanif’s claim is
also on a similar vein that argues for seasoned, impartial democratic
leadership. If such a leadership is not given it would impact the concerned
person in some way or the other, the novel hints, warning social systems to practice justice.
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